The View From the Skybox
How money in politics hurts us all



Ouch! Now that the corporate sponsors of the Republican and Democratic conventions have packed up their trade show, it is a good time to pause and ask: what do these big political donors get in return for being so generous?

Looking back to the not-so-distant past, whatever became of the donors who ponied up for the Republican and Democratic conventions back in 1996?

These donor alumni are doing quite well, thank you.

Consider the story of just one of them — Fruit of the Loom. In 1996, the textile company gave the Democratic Host Committee $100,000 for their Chicago convention, while its CEO, William Farley, served as co-chair for Republican Bob Dole's presidential campaign.


We would do well to remember that amid the wining and dining and revelry at the conventions, more exchanged hands than leather tote bags and special edition Convention Barbie dolls.

The company's PAC and its executives have given more than $830 thousand to candidates and parties since 1995 — 86 percent to Republicans, according to the Center for Responsive Politics. It turns out that this has been a good investment for the troubled company's finances.

In 1997, Fruit of the Loom started laying off workers, slashing 7,700 U.S. sewing jobs, more than a third of the company's entire American workforce, according to Public Citizen's Global Trade Watch. The jobs went to workers in Honduras, who made 60 cents an hour, compared to U.S. workers, who made $12.

But the strategy did not work. By December 1999, the company declared bankruptcy. In court filings, Fruit of the Loom stated that its overseas shift had "proceeded too aggressively," describing how once it fired staff it lacked trained workers, and then had to hire expensive contract workers, pay overtime and costly shipping expenses.

The ailing company's finances also hurt shareholders, who filed a class action lawsuit in 1998 accusing the company of giving top executives $20 million in bonuses and $12 million in stock at guaranteed prices at the same time it bled losses of some $715 million. CEO Farley was one of the beneficiaries; he got $11.1 million in stock, cash and benefits in 1996, and another $7.5 million in stock options.

Fruit of the Loom had hardly built a record of good corporate citizenship. Yet, somehow, the company managed to convince Congress and President Bill Clinton to pass a new law in May establishing a trade agreement in the Caribbean and Central America.

In the House, 183 Republicans and 126 Democrats voted for the new agreement, which is expected to save Fruit of the Loom some $25 million in taxes. That's enough money to pay the fulltime salaries of 2,333 minimum wage workers for a year.

Fruit of the Loom, of course, is not the only '96 donor that has made out well in Washington, DC. Anheuser Busch donated at least $100,000 to both the Democrat and Republican conventions in 1996. Two years later, the alcohol lobby fended off a proposal in Congress that would require states to adopt a stricter standard for drunk driving in order to qualify for federal highway funding.

AT&T was another double donor in 1996, giving at least $100,000 to both parties' conventions. The telephone giant recently won federal approval for its merger with MediaOne. The merger, according to Consumers Union, gives the company the option to control more than 40 percent of the nation's cable market, and a potential monopoly over broadband Internet service as well.

We would do well to remember that amid the wining and dining and revelry at the conventions, more exchanged hands than leather tote bags and special edition Convention Barbie dolls. Generous contributions now often mean tens of millions of dollars in tax breaks and other special favors later.

OUCH! is a regular bulletin on how private money in politics hurts average citizens, published by Public Campaign, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization devoted to comprehensive campaign finance reform. For more about Public Campaign, visit www.publicampaign.org.


Corruption Index



Ouch!
  • Number of times Gov. George W. Bush mentioned campaign finance reform during his nomination acceptance speech: 0.

  • Amount of special interest money Vice President Al Gore promised "to get out of our democracy" during his nomination acceptance speech: all of it.

  • Amount of special interest money the Democratic National Committee (DNC) raised hours later at a fundraiser concert starring Barbra Streisand: $5.2 million.

  • Reason given by DNC official as tp why raising that money was consistent with Gore's campaign finance reform goals: it was "hard money" (i.e. campaign contributions subject to contribution limits).

  • Amount of additional hard money the DNC and its Republican counterpart are hoping to raise before the 2000 elections: $50 million.

  • Hard money already raised through March 30, 2000: $283.3 million.

  • Soft money raised by the same point: $166.6 million.

  • Proportion of campaign cash raised for the 1996 elections in hard money: 66 percent.

  • Amount Gore has gotten from Ernst & Young executives and their families, his top hard money contributor: $130,875.

  • Amount Bush has gotten from MBNA America Bank executives and their families, his top hard money contributor: $220,275.

  • Proportion of federal hard money donors of $5,000 or more since 1997 who say they personally spoke to a federal elected official over the past year: 54 percent.

  • Percent of voters from the general population who did: 9 percent.


Political Olympics



Ouch!

U.S. voters are being treated to another quadrennial spectacle: the 2000 elections. Here is a list of gold medal winners.

  • Pole Vault. Most campaign cash given to self, vaulting candidate into contention: Jon Corzine, Democratic Senate candidate, NJ: $33 million.
  • Synchronized Swimming. Company showing most coordination by giving to both the Democratic and Republican parties: AT&T, $993,000 to Democratic party committees; $1.5 million to Republican party committees; total $2.5 million.
  • Backstroke. Stroking Congressional colleagues' backs — the most campaign cash distributed by a Member of Congress' leadership Political Action Committee: Keep Our Majority PAC, Rep. Dennis Hastert (R-Ill.), $469,000.
  • Shooting. Most campaign cash shot by a federal candidate in the 2000 elections: George W. Bush, who has spent $81 million.
  • Dream Team. Presidential candidate receiving the most campaign cash from the TV, movies and music industries: Al Gore, $929,000.
  • High Jump. He may have raised nearly $18 million, but Rep. Rick Lazio (R) still must make a very high jump to catch up with Hillary Clinton's $22 million, making the New York Senate race the most expensive this year: $63 million raised by all candidates.
  • Wrestling. Eleven GOP primary candidates wrestled it out in the Illinois District 10 primary, helping make the seat that 11-term Rep. John Porter (R) is vacating the most expensive race in the House: $8.9 million raised by all candidates.
  • Power Lifting. The 800-pound gorilla of giving, the most generous industry sector giving in the 2000 elections: finance, insurance and real estate: $166 million.
  • Uneven Bars. Ratio of contributions to Bush and Gore campaigns from residents of Beverly Hills, 90210 compared to those from 90059, in Watts: 494: 1.
  • Marathon. What it will cost in the long haul — estimated total cost for 2000 elections: $3 billion.

OUCH! is a regular bulletin on how private money in politics hurts average citizens, published by Public Campaign, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization devoted to comprehensive campaign finance reform. For more about Public Campaign, visit www.publicampaign.org.


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