By Wendy Sefsaf
The term “self-deportation” has found its way into the GOP presidential primary race, with candidate Mitt Romney outlining a vague immigration platform which includes “self-deportation,” or the idea that unauthorized immigrants will voluntarily choose to leave the U.S. if life here is made unbearable enough. While “self-deportation” may be a new idea to some, those who monitor immigration policy understand that it is code for “attrition through enforcement” – a plan pursued by extremist immigration-control organizations in Congress and state houses across the nation.
Mr. Romney explains how he thinks “self-deportation” would work by saying “if people don’t get work here, they’re going to self-deport to a place they can get work.” However, as described in a forthcoming report from the Immigration Policy Center, “self-deportation” – or, more accurately, “attrition through enforcement” – goes far beyond denying unauthorized immigrants work. The strategy is currently embodied in state laws that include provisions denying education, transportation, and even basic services like water and housing to anyone who cannot prove legal immigration status. So far, the states that have attempted to roll out this plan have done little more than undermine basic human rights, devastate local economies, and place unnecessary burdens on U.S. citizens and lawful immigrants.
There is little evidence that “attrition through enforcement” is causing unauthorized immigrants to leave. In fact, a July 2011 study from the RAND Corporation found that, despite improved economic conditions in Mexico and worsened conditions in the United States, fewer Mexican immigrants returned to Mexico in 2008 and 2009 than in the two years before the recession.
The Urban Institute’s Juan Pedrozo has also pointed out that “it’s tough to tell whether (and how many) immigrants have left a community if you are looking right after a state passes a law. It can take years of evidence to test claims of a mass exodus.” Moreover, “growing evidence suggests that most immigrants (especially families with school-age children) are here to stay, except perhaps where local economies are particularly weak.”
Furthermore, according to the Pew Hispanic Center, “nearly two-thirds of the 10.2 million unauthorized adult immigrants in the United States have lived in this country for at least 10 years, and nearly half are parents of minor children,” most of whom are U.S. citizens. There is no reason to believe that they are going to “self-deport” as their ties to the country have grown much deeper.
Whether you call it “self-deportation” or “attrition through enforcement,” this is a policy that offers no genuine solution to the growing instability of our immigration system. Relying on a strategy conceived by immigration restrictionists and pursued by opportunistic politicians is no game plan. This country deserves to hear more detailed and thoughtful approaches from politicians and policy makers—ones that will offer a way forward, rather than ones grounded in divisive and punitive approaches to unauthorized immigration.
The Immigration Policy Center, established in 2003, is the policy arm of the American Immigration Council. IPC’s mission is to shape a rational conversation on immigration and immigrant integration. Through its research and analysis, IPC provides policymakers, the media, and the general public with accurate information about the role of immigrants and immigration policy on U.S. society. IPC reports and materials are widely disseminated and relied upon by press and policy makers. IPC staff regularly serves as experts to leaders on Capitol Hill, opinion-makers and the media. IPC is a non-partisan organization that neither supports nor opposes any political party or candidate for office.
















The truth behind Gingrich’s false food-stamp claims
Friday, January 27th, 2012INSTITUTE INDEX
Institute for Southern Studies
Number of days later that the Gingrich campaign unveiled a TV ad making the same claim: 1
Number of people who have joined the food stamp program — known since 2008 as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP — under President Obama: 14,200,000
Number of people who became SNAP beneficiaries under President George W. Bush: 14,700,000
Number of people added to the SNAP rolls in the 12 months before Obama took office in January 2009: 4,400,000
Percentage by which that exceeds the number added in 2007, when the economic downturn began: 300
Number by which the SNAP rolls declined in October 2011: 43,528
Number of people receiving SNAP benefits, according to the latest figures available: 46,224,722
Proportion of U.S. residents that represents: 1 in 7
Proportion of residents receiving SNAP benefits in Mississippi, the state with the highest poverty rate: 1 in 5
Under the economic stimulus bill President Obama signed in 2009, increase in monthly SNAP benefits for a family of four: $80
Income limit for a family of four to be eligible for SNAP: $29,000
Percent of SNAP beneficiaries who are white: 36
Percent who are African-American: 22
Percent who are Latino: 10
Percent who are children: 47
Percent who live in a household where someone has a job: 41
Percent of SNAP households that also received cash welfare benefits in 1990: 42
In 2010: 8
SNAP’s annual cost to taxpayers: $75,000,000,000
Percentage by which that cost has increased since 2008: 200
Value of economic activity generated for every $1 spent on SNAP benefits: $1.84
(Click on figure to go to source. To comment on this index, click here. Image of Gingrich during the Jan. 16 GOP debate is a still from Fox News video via FactCheck.org.)
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