How the American imperial dream foundered in Iraq
by Michael Schwartz
Tomdispatch.com

On February 15, 2003, ordinary citizens around the world poured into the streets to protest George W. Bush’s onrushing invasion of Iraq. Demonstrations took place in large cities and small towns globally, including a small but spirited protest at the McMurdo Station in Antarctica. Up to 30 million people, who sensed impending catastrophe, participated in what Rebecca Solnit, that apostle of popular hope, has called “the biggest and most widespread collective protest the world has ever seen.”

The first glancing assessment of history branded this remarkable planetary protest a record-breaking failure, since the Bush administration, less than one month later, ordered U.S. troops across the Kuwaiti border and on to Baghdad.

And it has since largely been forgotten, or perhaps better put, obliterated from official and media memory. Yet popular protest is more like a river than a storm; it keeps flowing into new areas, carrying pieces of its earlier life into other realms. We rarely know its consequences until many years afterward, when, if we’re lucky, we finally sort out its meandering path. Speaking for the protesters back in May 2003, only a month after U.S. troops entered the Iraqi capital, Solnit offered the following:

“We will likely never know, but it seems that the Bush administration decided against the ‘Shock and Awe’ saturation bombing of Baghdad because we made it clear that the cost in world opinion and civil unrest would be too high. We millions may have saved a few thousand or a few tens of thousand of lives. The global debate about the war delayed it for months, months that perhaps gave many Iraqis time to lay in stores, evacuate, brace for the onslaught.”

Whatever history ultimately concludes about that unexpected moment of protest, once the war began, other forms of resistance arose – mainly in Iraq itself – that were equally unexpected. And their effects on the larger goals of Bush administration planners can be more easily traced. Think of it this way: In a land the size of California with but 26 million people, a ragtag collection of Baathists, fundamentalists, former military men, union organizers, democratic secularists, local tribal leaders, and politically active clerics – often at each others throats (quite literally) – nonetheless managed to thwart the plans of the self-proclaimed New Rome, the “hyperpower” and “global sheriff” of Planet Earth. And that, even in the first glancing assessment of history, may indeed prove historic.

The New American Century Goes Missing in Action

It’s hard now even to recall the original vision George W. Bush and his top officials had of how the conquest of Iraq would unfold as an episode in the President’s Global War on Terror. In their minds, the invasion was sure to yield a quick victory, to be followed by the creation of a client state that would house crucial “enduring” U.S. military bases from which Washington would project power throughout what they liked to term “the Greater Middle East.”

In addition, Iraq was quickly going to become a free-market paradise, replete with privatized oil flowing at record rates onto the world market. Like falling dominos, Syria and Iran, cowed by such a demonstration of American might, would follow suit, either from additional military thrusts or because their regimes – and those of up to 60 countries worldwide – would appreciate the futility of resisting Washington’s demands. Eventually, the “unipolar moment” of U.S. global hegemony that the collapse of the Soviet Union had initiated would be extended into a “New American Century” (along with a generational Pax Republicana at home).

This vision is now, of course, long gone, largely thanks to unexpected and tenacious resistance of every sort within Iraq. This resistance consisted of far more than the initial Sunni insurgency that tied down what Donald Rumsfeld pridefully labeled “the greatest military force on the face of the earth.” It is already none too rash a statement to suggest that, at all levels of society, usually at great sacrifice, the Iraqi people frustrated the imperial designs of a superpower.

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Discussing Sen. Hillary Clinton’s comments regarding sexism in the media’s coverage of her presidential campaign, CNN’s Jeffrey Toobin referred to a New York Times column that “talked about some of the humor in the campaign, and the punch line was a line that was – that Hillary Clinton was a ‘white bitch.'” CNN political contributor Alex Castellanos asserted, “And some women, by the way, are named that and it’s accurate.”

Read more at Media Matters.

by NOW President Kim Gandy

Okay, take a guess. What do the G.I. Bill, the School Lunch Program, and the Fair Labor Standards Act have in common? How about federal aid to education, the nationwide network of veterans’ hospitals, and the tax deduction for child care expenses?

If you’re really stumped, how about Title IX, the equal educational opportunity law? The Equal Pay Act and the Family and Medical Leave Act? The Freedom of Choice Act? The Paycheck Fairness Act and the Fair Pay Act? Okay, maybe now you’re getting the idea.

Yes, despite their paltry representation, women in Congress introduced them all, along with countless other reforms that affect our lives to this day. It might sound clichéd, but women leaders do make a difference. Women began serving in Congress less than 100 years ago, and throughout that brief history they have made a great impact – a truly progressive, society-transforming impact.

Organizations like NOW, and feminists in general, often state that we need more women in government, from local school boards all the way to the highest levels of office. Increasing the number of women in power is a good thing — that’s just common sense, right? But taking a closer look at why it’s so important has been on my mind as the November elections approach.

First, there’s simple parity. Currently, women hold a paltry 16 percent of the seats in the United States Congress and they make up 24 percent of the state legislatures. Only eight states have women governors, and we all know that the U.S. has yet to have a woman president or even a female nominee from a major political party. And as recently as 1992, women were only 2% of the U.S. Senate.

With women vastly under-represented in this arena, and glass ceilings still to be smashed, women’s rights advocates would be negligent not to try to correct such an imbalance.

But there’s so much more to the argument than fairness.

It might seem obvious, but it’s worth noting that most women legislators can be counted on to fight for the “bread and butter” women’s issues that a legislature exclusively occupied by men might not bother to tackle. Access to reproductive health services and child care, the right to equal pay and education opportunities, ending sexual harassment and all forms of violence against women – without a doubt, these issues advance when women with firsthand experience secure the authority to do something about them.

It was a woman, in fact, the very first woman ever to serve in Congress, Jeannette Rankin, who introduced the very first piece of federal social welfare legislation — a bill to reduce maternal and infant mortality.

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By Aaron Glantz
Foreign Policy in Focus

Eighteen American war veterans kill themselves every day. One thousand former soldiers receiving care from the Department of Veterans Affairs attempt suicide every month. More veterans are committing suicide than are dying in combat overseas.

These are statistics that most Americans dont know, because the Bush administration has refused to tell them. Since the start of the Iraq War, the government has tried to present it as a war without casualties.

In fact, they never would have come to light were it not for a class action lawsuit brought by Veterans for Common Sense and Veterans United for Truth on behalf of the 1.7 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan. The two groups allege the Department of Veterans Affairs has systematically denied mental health care and disability benefits to veterans returning from the conflict zones.

The case, officially known as Veterans for Common Sense vs. Peake, went to trial last month at a Federal Courthouse in San Francisco. The two sides are still filing briefs until May 19 and waiting for a ruling from Judge Samuel Conti, but the case is already having an impact.

“Shh!”

That’s because over the course of the two week trial, the VA was compelled to produce a series of documents that show the extent of the crisis effecting wounded soldiers.

“Shh!” begins one e-mail from Dr. Ira Katz, the head of the VAs Mental Health Division, advising a media spokesperson not to tell CBS News that 1,000 veterans receiving care at the VA try to kill themselves every month.

“Our suicide prevention coordinators are identifying about 1,000 suicide attempts per month among the veterans we see in our medical facilities. Is this something we should (carefully) address ourselves in some sort of release before someone stumbles on it?” the e-mail concludes.

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By Jim VandeHei and David Paul Kuhn
The Politico

John McCain is planning to run as a different kind of Republican. But being any kind of Republican seems like some sort of death sentence these days.

In case you’ve been too consumed by the Democratic race to notice, Republicans are getting crushed in historic ways both at the polls and in the polls.

At the polls, it has been a massacre. In recent weeks, Republicans have lost a Louisiana House seat they had held for more than two decades and an Illinois House seat they had held for more than three. Internal polls show that next week they could lose a Mississippi House seat that they have held for 13 years.

In the polls, they are setting records (and not the good kind). The most recent Gallup Poll has 67 percent of voters disapproving of President Bush; those numbers are worse than Richard Nixon’s on the eve of his resignation. A CBS News poll taken at the end of April found only 33 percent of Americans have a favorable view of the GOP – the lowest since CBS started asking the question more than two decades ago. By comparison, 52 percent of the public has a favorable view of the Democratic Party.

Things are so bad that many people don’t even want to call themselves Republicans. The Pew Research Center for the People & the Press has found the lowest percentage of self-described Republicans in 16 years of polling.

“The anti-Republican mood is fairly big, and it has been overwhelming,” said Michigan Republican Party Chairman Saul Anuzis.

With an environment so toxic, does McCain have even a chance of winning in November?

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